The Association of Studies, Research and Internationalization in Eurasia and Africa published in partnership with CeSEM – Centro Studi Eurasia Mediterraneo the fourth volume of Geopolitical Report titled “Russia-EU Confrontation/Collaboration and Future Challenges” which aims at analyzing the recent events which have characterised the relations between Moscow and Brussels and evaluating possible future developments and challenges. Russia and the European Union, friends or enemies, partners or competitors. This is the eternal dilemma that has concerned/affected the relations between Brussels and Moscow since the collapse of the Soviet Union. After the Ukrainian Crisis, the situation became worse and nowadays the distance between the two parts seems unbridgeable although the road of contrast finds its root earlier and involves the energy market and the EU Eastern Partnership. In his paper Stefano Vernole aimed at understanding whether the European Union and Russian can ever be political and economic partners. The recent confrontation between Brussels and Moscow due to the Ukrainian Crisis might create favourable conditions for the United States and China which have interests in dividing Europe and Russia and improve their presence on the European and Russian markets and domestic policies. Antimo Altomare focused the attention on the Ukrainian crisis and the European sanctions against the Russian Federation. According to the author, Brussels and Moscow need to dialogue and change this situation of distrust and conflict because the two parts are economically and politically connected. Furthermore, even though the European sanctions are a clear answer of political identity, their effect is hardly visible. Alessandro C. Mauceri highlighted the fact that the European Union and the Russian Federation might be the world’s largest economic and political centre together if they can overcome the current crisis. The author emphasized the significant role played by the energy market in Brussels – Moscow relations: indeed, Russia and the European Union are interdependent in energy import-export and transport. Mattia Baldoni and Marco Limburgo confronted the Russian and European strategy over de facto states such as Abkhazia, South Ossetia, Transnistria, Nagorno-Karabakh, Kosovo, Lugansk and Donetsk republics. On the one hand, EU statements about territorial integrity and people freedom strive for further, but on long-term, enlargement process, through neighbourhood policies and cooperation. On the other hand, Russia tries to defend leavings of post-Soviet ties, mixing hard and soft power, threatening the stability of already weak European borders, thanks to the management of most of these little cores of instability. Regarding de facto states, Emanuel Pietrobon investigated Moldova case and the geopolitical battle for hegemony over the country. In his research, the author analysed the cases of Transnistria and Gagauzia which directly involve the Russian Federation and Turkey and transform Moldova in a geopolitical battlefront where the West (Brussels and Washington) is confronting Moscow and Ankara. Laura Moreno Rincón studied the European – Russia relations in the framework of strategic communication trying to understand if the Kremlin is really supporting Right Nationalists in Europe. Also, the author tried to point out which are possible Russian proposes and advantages in politics, economy and technology belonging to the Kremlin’s support of Right Nationalists....
Mese: Dicembre 2019
La peculiare visione del mondo russa è la convinzione congenita che l’Ordine cosmico poggi su fondamenti etici (1) ; agli occhi di quel popolo, i mali più gravi dell’Occidente consistono nel calpestare le norme morali e nel disinteressarsi della giustizia sociale. Ciò spiega la diffidenza dei russi per le norme giuridiche che, al contrario, assumono in Europa una valenza suprema. L’inserimento storico della Russia nel campo cristiano ortodosso ha provocato una rottura non solo religiosa ma anche culturale tra la parte occidentale e quella orientale del Vecchio Continente; la divisione tra Stato e Chiesa ha contribuito infatti, in modo determinante, alla formazione della nazione moderna e dell’ideologia liberale, quest’ultima tutta incentrata sul primato dell’individuo rispetto alla comunità. Inoltre la dominazione mongola ha avuto un effetto per nulla trascurabile sulla formazione politica ed identitaria della Russia, contribuendo a renderla una civiltà originale ed eurasiatica. Dal punto di vista geopolitico, ad oltre un secolo dalla famosa conferenza di Halford John Mackinder alla “Royal Geographical Society”, il punto di vista occidentale sull’Heartland non sembra davvero cambiato: “Questo spazio centrale appartiene alla Russia ed in parte alla Cina. Intorno al “Cuore del Mondo” si dispiega, a semicerchio, la Fascia del Bordo (Rimland) che contiene il Continente europeo, i Paesi del Vicino e Medio Oriente, l’India ecc. La terza parte è quella composta dalle Isole, cioè dagli altri Continenti.” Partendo da questa visione, la geopolitica atlantica ha mantenuto fermo nel tempo un assioma fondamentale: chi controlla l’Heartland può governare sulle nazioni del Rimland e così condizionare le Isole. Macknder perciò metteva in guardia dalla prospettiva di una rete ferroviaria capace di coprire il continente eurasiatico, minacciando i vantaggi goduti dalle potenze talassocratiche con il trasporto marittimo delle merci. Inutile ricordare quanto il progetto cinese della Nuova Via della Seta terrestre e Marittima, specie se coordinato con quello russo dell’Unione Economica Eurasiatica, ricordi questa premonizione (ovviamente più paventata che auspicata). Il Cordone sanitario costituito allora da una cordata di Paesi alleati della Gran Bretagna e degli Stati Uniti d’America, dal Mar Baltico fino al Mar Adriatico, viene oggi riproposto dalla NATO nelle forme più diverse ed aggressive possibili (il Trimarium, lanciato nel 2016, volto anche ad impedire un riavvicinamento russo-tedesco). Subito dopo la disgregazione dell’Unione Sovietica (nonostante un referendum popolare avesse votato per il suo mantenimento), il Segretario di Stato USA, James Baker, sottolineò come gli Stati Uniti “devono guidare lo sfruttamento delle ricche risorse umane e materiali di questi Paesi per i fini della libertà e non del totalitarismo, cosicché si rafforzino immensamente la sicurezza, la prosperità e la libertà degli Stati Uniti e del mondo”. Nel congratularsi con Boris Eltsin per la soppressione di un colpo di Stato filosovietico, Baker gli raccomandò di “sfasciare” anche la Federazione Russa, così da agevolare la politica predatoria dell’Occidente. Solo pochi anni dopo, uno degli analisti più ascoltati a Washington, Zbigniew Brzezinski, presentò il progetto di smantellamento e riduzione della Russia ad una miriade di staterelli “indipendenti”, facilmente condizionabili e ricattabili (2). Ebbene la Federazione Russa è...
Articolo pubblicato sul sito Young Diplomats Idriss Zackaria is the Director of Young Diplomats Africa, the part of Young Diplomats project. Young Diplomats is the first non- governmental diplomatic association with a mission of shaping, sharpening and inspiring a new generation of enlightened international leaders. Idriss Zackaria is one of them. As Young Diplomats’ Africa Regional Director, he sees himself as a bridge and trust builder. We talked with him about his start at Young Diplomats, leadership, challenges, international relations and other topics… YD: How was your start at Young Diplomats? How did you contribute to the evolution and the success of the association? We simply start our project by writing and publishing articles on our website… then my colleague David Allouche thought that I was the right person to represent YD in Africa and take care of our activities in the continent. Since then; we started to define and set up our team globally. —We really needed to think about what skills we need to deliver our project successfully. Building the team has taken from us 3 years to set things on the ground; because we always tried to avoid over-complicating things. We knew that when we get started on the project initiation phase, things can feel a bit vague and team members can get confused about what the project actually is. Hence, we always try to make sure our team in Africa knows what they are delivering and are invested in it. We always involve the team in the setting of the brief, definition of deliverables and approach to any phases. Young Diplomats has clear different phases from its inception, for example a discovery phase separate from the development, and we treat each phase like a mini-project rather than doing a bigger upfront piece. This strategy has provided key starting points for each phase, rather than trying to make a lot of assumptions at the beginning. About Committee… We lately have appointed a committee to examine and shape our operations around the world. The Committee is a part of the organization that makes operational decisions and guidelines. Members of the Committee are in charge of elaborating and following up the guidelines of our organization. They accompany the different directors of Young Diplomats and manage the website as well as the global and cross-border projects. The appointment and removing of regional and country directors is done by this committee. Team members of the committee are David Allouche, Noam Hakoune and me. YD: How do you see YD Africa under your leadership? Currently, our project in Africa has involved a number of young leaders in dozens of African countries, and we are seeking to connect our disparate projects across the continent and reach more young leaders. Africa’s youth are taking the stage to make their voices heard about the continent. Therefore, I have a global mandate to advocate for the implementation of the African Youth Charter, the Demographic Dividend Roadmap and Agenda 2063. As Young Diplomats’ Africa Regional Director; I see...